Filed under: Adorno, Benjamin, Freud, Nietzsche, Sedgwick, Soviet Union, fascism, feminism, gay rights, heteronormativity, homosexuality, philosophy, queer, sexuality
I’ve been meaning to write this for a while, and have decided that maybe it was time to really articulate my thoughts on why I really, really hate Adorno’s work. It had something to do with his posturing toward homosexuality, and something to do with what I sensed as a certain kind of awful elitism. It is also connected with the alarming number of gay Adorno fanboy apologists I’ve run into over the last while. So I went to the library and picked up Minima Moralia, which I hadn’t actually read before (and still haven’t gotten far into).The opening line of the dedication reads :
The melancholy science from which I make this offering to my friend relates to a region that from time immemorial was regarded as the true field of philosophy, but which, since the latter’s conversion into method, has lapsed into intellectual neglect, sententious whimsy and finally oblivion: the teaching of the good life.
An astute student or, I guess, professor maybe, who wrote all over the library’s copy of this book (I actually often enjoy what other people write in books) had written, in pencil, above the word ‘melancholy’, gay. And of course, yes: In this first sentence of a dedication, Adorno takes a stance toward Nietzsche. His “melancholy science” (die traurige Wissenschaft) is in direct opposition to Nietzsche’s gay science (die fröliche Wissenschaft). Of course Adorno isn’t articulating a simple opposition here – both Adorno and Nietzsche are engaged in similar projects, “the teaching of the good life”. Rather, for Adorno, something fundamental about the world had changed since Nietzsche: Fascism had reared its artificially beblondened head.
Rather than focus directly on fascism here, though, I’d like to spend some time articulating that astute student’s one-word note: gay. As Kauffmann notes in his introduction to The Gay Science, it is “no accident that the homosexuals as well as Nietzsche opted for ‘gay’ rather than ‘cheerful’” because it “has overtones of a light-hearted defiance of convention; it suggests Nietzsche’s ‘immoralism’ and his ‘revaluation of values.’” Gay, then, I think forms one axis of a possible analysis of Adorno’s work, which lays out vertically as an opposition between Nietzsche’s joyful, light-hearted revaluation of all values and Adorno’s “melancholy science”, and horizontally as an opposition between homosexuality in its Western, twentieth-century guise with its light-hearted defiance of conventions, on the one hand, and heterosexuality and the status quo on the other.
Adorno is – the astute student was correct – gay. Where Nietzsche took to delight, Adorno took to despair. Where Nietzsche undermined, Adorno reinforced. One of the things that bugs me about Adorno, which I think this introductory sentence makes clear, is that Adorno is not aiming at a Nietzschean revaluation of all values, not even the values of those systems that he claimed so ardently to oppose. His melancholy science is one for the perpetuation of a system of values – which could be defined in several ways (Adorno’s own, fascist, bourgeois, anti-working-class, racist, homophobic) – that already exist in the world. Where Nietzsche looked (or at least claimed to look) forward, Adorno looked back.
Though it certainly isn’t clear that Adorno looked to the golden past with an eye toward a return – he didn’t seem to think such a return was possible – it was nevertheless in the past that “technical virtuosity, at least, was demanded of singing stars”, that melody had not come “to mean eight-beat symmetrical treble melody”, that there was at least a difference in terms of reaction to Beethoven’s Seventh Symphony and a bikini. The past, on Adorno’s analysis, was one in which fetishism had not yet come to dominate the musical (and, indeed, cultural) scene.
It is at the site of the fetish where Adorno most strongly attempts to rhetorically establish links between homosexuality, or sexual deviance more generally, and fascism. Musical fascism, one can only surmise given Adorno’s peculiar language, becomes embodied as the homosexual rapist. As the first part of a key to Adorno’s aggressively homophobic rhetorical construction here, I will turn to Benjamin’s “The Work of Art in the Age of its Technical Reproducibility”, a work which Adorno openly stated radically influenced his “On the Fetish-Character in Music and the Regression of Listening”. Benjamin, late in the essay, announces that “The violation of the masses, whom Fascism, with its Führer cult, forces to their knees, has its counterpart in the violation of an apparatus which is pressed into the production of ritual values.” This apparatus (camera or phallus?), which artificially reproduces a process that has at least come to be natural to humankind, now (re)produces reality, substituting “a space consciously explored by man” with “an unconsciously penetrated space”, opening up “a different nature”, the process of which can, apparently, only mimic that “violation of the masses” at the hand of the Führer.
Adorno puts it more clearly: “Totalitarianism and homosexuality belong together.” Gorky had already stated it yet more clearly in 1934:
In the land where the proletariat governs courageously and successfully, homosexuality, with its corrupting effect on the young, is considered a social crime punishable under the law. By contrast, in the “cultivated land” of the great philosophers, scholars and musicians, it is practiced freely and with impunity. There is already a sarcastic saying: “Destroy homosexuality and fascism will disappear.”
Marxism, in this mode of analysis, acts as the cure for both homosexuality and for fascism. For Gorky, this was no doubt due to a presumed direct relationship between the means of production and the superstructural effect of sexual expression. For Adorno, the mysterious relationship between fascism and homosexuality expressed the structure of much, if not all, of contemporary society. Despite his near-continual analyses of this or that phenomenon as homosexual/fascist, Adorno never quite gets to analyzing this relationship (he would later, possibly having developed a more sympathetic eye toward gay men and women, analyze this relationship in terms of repressed homosexuality (and, as the old chestnut goes, necessarily homophobia) and tendencies toward fascism, but as far as I can tell this is a turn for Adorno, something new). Benjamin, though, is fairly more explicit: In a discussion of Futurism, he suggests that “[i]f the natural utilization of productive forces is impeded by the property system, the increase in technical devices, in speed, and in the sources of energy will press for an unnatural utilization, and this is found in war. … Instead of draining rivers, society directs a human stream into a bed of trenches; instead of dropping seeds from airplanes, it drops incendiary bombs over citites; and through gas warfare the aura is abolished in a new way.” There is, here, a “natural utilization” for “productive forces” (and, I suggest, Benjamin was saying that this was true for all (re)productive forces) which, could be, in unnatural circumstances, pressed “for an unnatural utilization”. The words “human stream”, “bed of trenches”, “seeds”, “bombs” underline the stakes here: This is a life or death struggle. Not simply a struggle against the forces of death, but a choice between life – the “human stream” or “seeds” (that is, semen) – or death, first in the form of an unnatural destination for the “human stream”, and second as an unnatural replacement of that “seed” being “dropped” with “bombs”.
This theme, first mobilized around the cluster of homosexuality and fascism and, now, the military, and second around the axis of life/death is repeated in Adorno’s Minima Morlia, in the section titled “Tough Baby”. The argument developed here, one I myself saw repeated many times while in high school, takes the form “I’m not the fag, you are!” Adorno, apparently upset that intellectuals – and he seemed to value intellectuals as the only possible saviors for humankind – were viewed as effeminate, analyzes the cigarette-smoking, whisky-drinking “tough guy” image in terms of a presumed masochism and hidden homosexuality (like fascism and homosexuality, intimately and mysteriously connected). Adorno, the intellectual, is gay. It is, rather, the masochistic tough guy who is “revealed” to have homosexual impulses. Adorno, the anti-Nietzsche, is also gay. It is, here, the “tough guy” who attempts a nearly Nietzschean mastery of the body, of which Adorno is maybe (or likely) jealous.
Here is the cluster Adorno has, with the help of Benjamin, developed so far: homosexuality, fascism, masculinity (to which Adorno opposed a “true” – his – masculinity), the military, war, death. It is with the fetish (which, as with Adorno’s brand of theory itself, is both Freudian and Marxist, both sexual and economic) that pop culture, and with it all culture, gets thrown in the mix. In “On the Fetish-Character in Music”, Adorno introduces a cast of characters: the “radio ham”, who “is shy and inhibited, perhaps has no luck with girls”, “‘occupies’ himself with music in the quiet of his bedroom” and “insert[s] himself, with his private equipment, into the public mechanism”; the “listening expert” who, like a secret masturbator, “must practice the piano for hours in secret” “in nimble subordination to what the instrument demands of him”, in “agreement with everything dominant”, and “produc[ing] no resistance” to the demands of authority; and, finally, the jitterbugg(er)er, the “infantile listener” (the influence of Freudian theory of homosexuality, that homosexuality is the result of a failure to develop properly, is a clear mark here) whose “ecstasy”, which “takes possession of its object”, “is without content”, who imitate “the gestures of the sensual”, “copy[ing] the stages of sexual excitement only to make fun of them”. The imitation here, of “true” (heterosexual) sensuality, maps both onto “false” (homosexual) imitations of sensuality and the false imitations of sensuality produced via the jitterbug. The result is the production of “the masses”, almost always in Adorno accompanied by the adjective “passive”, who, as mentioned earlier, according to Benjamin, await their “violation” at the hands of the Führer.
Assuming for a minute that I’m right here, that Adorno’s analysis is motivated by a peculiar homophobia, a fear of the Führer-rapist’s sodomizing authority, so what? Why care? Other than the fun of queering texts, why bother?
- Adorno in particular continues to be wildly influential in cultural theory.
- The presumed connection between homosexuality and fascism, despite fascist atrocities against gay people, gay men particularly, continues to this day. McCarthy, during a period where Soviet communism was presumably nearly identical with fascism in the United States, made this connection both openly and clearly when he said, “If you want to be against McCarthy, boys, you’ve got to be a Communist or a cocksucker.” This certainly isn’t new to Adorno (Adorno wasn’t an original thinker, I think, though he was a brilliant synthesizer), and certainly not peculiar to Adorno. Indeed, it is most readily found in fairly recent feminist theory, as Eve Sedgwick points out in her book Tendencies.
- To me at least, it is disturbing that, despite his openly antagonistic stance toward homosexuality (don’t forget, “Totalitarianism and homosexuality belong together.”), Adorno’s theory remains fairly popular among gay men. While this is understandable – anyone who grew up gay in the high schools of the 1990s would likely sympathize with Adorno’s outsider position with respect to contemporary culture, as well as have an affinity with his fantasy of the tough-guy-as-closet-homosexual – it is also deeply disturbing.
Filed under: Oregon, ethics, family, gay marriage, gay rights, gender, heteronormativity, homosexuality, legislation, same sex marriage, sexuality, transgender
Concerned Oregonians seem to be, well, concerned (warning: Obnoxiously enough, their concerns are only expressed on a pdf, not in the web’s standard html format…) about Oregon’s Senate Bill 2, which creates protections against discrimination based on a person’s sexuality. They claim that “[t]his legislation creates a new “protected class” of persons to be protected from discrimination, defines this new category, authorizes enforcement of its provisions through various state agencies and courts; adds other provisions regarding real estate transactions, religious institutions, schools; and prevents dress codes under most circumstances.”
The bill (also a pdf, but that’s standard for the publication of bills and proposed bills) defines sexual orientation, the basis of the new “protected class”, as “an individual’s actual or perceived heterosexuality, homosexuality, bisexuality or gender identity, regardless of whether the individual’s gender identity, appearance, expression or behavior differs from that traditionally associated with the individual’s sex at birth.” Now, this is a particularly broad “protected class” to claim, as Vision Action America has apparently done in a mass email, that “[i]f we [conservative Christians] fail to submit sufficient signatures, both this bill [Oregon House Bill 2007 (again, a pdf), which grants civil unions to same-sex couples with all the rights, privileges, and benefits granted by marriage, which, by the way, I also oppose, though on a technicality] and a bill to grant special rights, privileges and protections to homosexuals, lesbians, bisexuals, transgendereds and the gender confused, will become law on January 1, 2008.” Note, also, that they fail to mention that the bill in question also protects heterosexuals from denial of jobs or housing, etc.
Concerned Oregonians takes particular issue with the bill’s use of the word ‘perceived’. Now, when I read the bill, I took it to mean that if some straight guy is denied a job because an employer thinks that he is gay, he is just as protected as someone who is actually gay, which seems a reasonable enough clause. Concerned Oregonians reads this in the opposite way, assuming that ‘perceived’ refers to an individual’s own perceptions of his or her own sexuality or gender, and issues the following warning: “There is no provision that there must be any continuity to this stated ‘perceived sexual orientation’ is; that is it may change as often as a person wishes or states it to.” They later claim that this will lead to an absurd case where “a witness in court, under oath denies he is a man capable of rape because on that day, he perceives himself to be female”. Ignoring for a second their backward interpretation of the word ‘perceived’ here, their flat-out denial of the possibility of a woman committing rape is alarming.
I used to subscribe to similar, though more liberally-oriented “action alerts”. I stopped in part because of tactics like this, which I know are used by conservative groups and suspect are also used by liberal groups (I haven’t seriously looked into the claims of liberal action groups mostly because, admittedly, I agree with their goals even if not perhaps their methods), tactics which either include outright lies or subtle manipulations of speeches, legislation, etc. Tactics such as Vision Action America’s exclusion of the bill’s explicit mention of heterosexuality or Concerned Oregonians’ twisting of the word ‘perceived’. These tactics always rely on mobilizing a particular group based on their prejudices and ignorance, on the hope that no one will actually bother to read the bill or speech in question. My advice to anyone who does receive this sort of email, whether you’re conservative or liberal: Read the bill before you decide. It may not be as bad as you think.
Filed under: gay rights
Just a quick note: We all know that senator Larry Craig was caught trying to get it on in a public restroom. I’m shocked, though, at our responses to it. We’re gleeful, giddy, titillated, sarcastic, and obnoxious. But seriously: We’re rooting for police stings targeting gay men in public restrooms? And I can understand wanting to see another Republican hypocrite crash and burn, but really, the guy did nothing illegal. He peeked in a stall (for two minutes, sure), tapped his foot, set his briefcase down, and rubbed his hand on the bottom of the stall. All weird things to be sure, but not illegal. This whole case reeks of entrapment, and that’s something that I, for one, am not at all giddy about.
Filed under: Family Research Council, family, fisting, gay rights, homosexuality
What? The Gay Man’s Chorus of San Diego sang the national anthem at a Padres game? That’s so disrespectful, like burning the flag. After using it as a glove for fisting. And in front of children, who were invited, as members of families, to the event, no less!
Seriously, though, there is something that bugs me about the Family Research Council’s either taken for granted or carefully planned opposition between family and homosexuality, between “supporters of the family” and “homosexual groups”. As if they are opposed; as if “homosexual groups” threaten “the family” in some way; as if there’s one way that the family is, was, and always has been; as if “the homosexual” (who is simultaneously new and, like the family, as he [because the threatening homosexual is a man, because the sign 'homosexual' always points to anal sex, as in statements about homosexuality as a high risk group, homosexuals that "prey on children", etc.] has always been) cannot have a family, cannot be family. Perhaps more problematic is the way in which this sort of rhetoric legitimates “the family” as always good, as always already (heh) redeemed, as something-more-than-an-institution whose value is never in question. As if abusive families either cannot exist or somehow don’t count as families.
I came across this while checking out the new blog posts. I’m not a huge fan of hate crime legislation, but really, does this:
Defines “hate crime” as a violent act causing death or bodily injury because of the actual or perceived race, color, religion, national origin, sexual orientation, gender, gender identity or disability of the victim.
Or this:
Amends the federal criminal code to impose criminal penalties for causing (or attempting to cause) bodily injury to any person using fire, a firearm, or any explosive or incendiary device because of the actual or perceived race, color, religion, national origin, gender, sexual orientation, gender identity, or disability of such person.
Sound like the same thing as this:
A bill now before Congress (H.R. 1592 / S. 1105) would criminalize negative comments concerning homosexuality, such as calling the practice of homosexuality a sin from the pulpit, a hate crime punishable by a hefty fine and time in prison. This dangerous legislation would take away our freedom of speech and our freedom of religion.
It has happened again. A group of people planned a gay rights-related march in Russia, and it turned violent. Orthodox clergy, neo-fascists, and old women turned out on the streets, protected by OMON officers, to keep Russia safe from the new blue menace. These four groups are starting to look like Russia’s sex police, on the scene at any outbreak of gayness.
This blog rightly links politics and sex, violence and foreign pressures, but undoubtedly in the wrong way, arguing that the foreign pressures on Russia to clean up its act regarding gay people represent foreign profit interests (though I’m sure those interests will be served, I doubt the organizers were their pawns, willing or not). The coincidental timing of a group of people raising a legitimate issue with Russia’s government does not a grand conspiracy make. And it is not the fault of that group of people that Russia’s officials and police so shamefully acted, physically assaulting those they couldn’t silence, and effectively maintaining an invisible, extralegal, police force by allowing the assaulters to go free. It is these actions, not those of the gay paraders, that will look bad at the G8 summit, and the Russian administration has only itself to blame if these events tarnish their already tarnished reputations.
If any political maneuvering is going on here, I’d look to the unusual configuration of counter-protesters for a clue. Which one of these things is not like the other: babushki, neo-fascists, OMON officers, or the Orthodox clergy? Which group is driven into poverty by the policies of the Russian government, forced to sell their possessions on the street for food money? And which three groups seem to be in line with the policies of the Russian government? Who here, once again, is being blinded to their real suffering and asked to sacrifice themselves, and for what? So that a few gay people stay off Moscow’s streets?